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Iraq's three divisions .. And most welcome in cooperation with the government
Created on Saturday, 03 March / March 2012 10:01
Translation: the long
Kenneth Pollack of the Saban Center of the Institute of Brokink is a veteran American commentators regarding Iraq. In the beginning of February published an article entitled "The political crisis that does not end in Iraq," and despite correct some of the points mentioned, it repeats the common fallacy Western analysts. One of these fallacies is the belief that the Iraqi National Bloc is a unified entity and has one point of view addressed to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. The other is a fallacy to look at Iraqi politics through the vision of a sectarian, any party that there is a certain segment, the Iraqi National Bloc, which should have a seat in the government in order to be truly democratic government that is fair. Both points have not been subjected to scrutiny and scrutiny.
Pollack is part of the article alleged that the Iraqi National Bloc represent a united front in the current political crisis for Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, who believes that the cluster becomes a dictator. Written Pollack says that the leadership of the bloc was united in its boycott of parliament sessions and the Council of Ministers, and is supposed to be the reason for this is to look at all the cluster members to the Prime Minister that he turns to the autocratic and must be addressed. This part of the assumption Pollack is far from reality for several reasons, foremost is that the cluster has at least three different positions with respect to Maliki: Vzeim list by Iyad Allawi, and Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi want to continue the boycott of both Houses to while getting concessions from the Prime Minister, while Vice-President of the cluster Saleh al-Mutlaq does not mind ending the boycott of parliament, but he wants to maintain a boycott of Ministers of the cluster to the Council of Ministers until he could return to his job. In an interview on 13 December with CNN, al-Mutlaq said that Maliki turn into a dictator after his arrest Baathists, and repeated this remark several times in the Iraqi media. In response, al-Maliki called on to vote to withdraw confidence from the al-Mutlaq and did not allow him to return to his job as deputy prime minister since that time. Finally, the President of parliament, Osama al-Karbouli and beauty - who heads a solution within the Iraqi List - the list to return to the government and confirmed that they have no problem in working with the Prime Minister. In the fact that Najafi was not implemented and the province attended all meetings of the Parliament, as a seven-list of ministers attend the meetings of the Council of Ministers. The Najafi and then declined to release Karbouli the word dictator al-Maliki launched as other members of the list. Most conflicts between al-Maliki on the one hand, and Allawi and Mutlaq, on the other dating back to before the U.S. invasion of the country in 2003 when he was every leader has a different attitude toward Saddam's rule, which led to the loss of confidence in them and personal hatred for each other, and which was not involved with political Others. The reason for ending the boycott of the existing parliament in the end of January and the Council of Ministers of days after that, is that the list was seen to be divided if it did not end the boycott because it was internally divided and largely ineffective in implementing the strategy. Permission and contrary to the view of Pollack, the Iraqi List were not coherent, but rather made up of several different parties, each has its own agenda. These aspects of the recent confrontation has been overlooked by analysts like Pollack of the Americans, making them read the situation incorrectly and fail to understand why the success of Maliki's Iraqi List in the maneuver.
Another element in an article Pollack is the point of view of sectarian politics in Iraq. Only the view that the Iraqi List, has an important role to play in the government because they represent a certain segment and if they do not participate in the community that will arise which could lead to a new civil war. This interpretation is also wrong in several respects. First, that the Sunnis are not a homogenous group, there are several different parties represented in the government, including the National Bloc of Iraq as the Iraqi List and the National Dialogue Front, there are also other lists as well as the unity of Iraq and the Iraqi Accordance Front, which is part of the cluster center and the Iraqi white separated from the Iraqi List, the list because of its refusal to stand against the Prime Minister.
Despite the removal of Allawi al-Maliki government and the desire to get rid of al-Mutlaq and others if he can, this does not mean the absence of other political government of Iraq. And Minister of Agriculture Izz al-Din of State is of the mass of Iraqis, and Communications Minister Mohammed Allawi is the Iraqi List, and the Minister of Education Mohammed Tamim is one of the Front for National Dialogue, and the Minister of Electricity Karim Aftan and Industry Minister Ahmed Karbouli two of the movement of the solution, while Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi represents the future of the independent gathering, and the Minister of Science and Technology, Abdul Karim al-Samarrai of the Renewal Party. Most of these ministers do not have a problem with the Prime Minister, who for his part wants to work with them. All this diversity is absent from the Pollack and others who write about the bloc with the rest of the national political leaders that represent the components of society in order to maintain the ethnic balance of the sectarian Iraq. Every move by Maliki against the Iraqi bloc they consider a threat to the sectarian and slide in the government. What Pollack missed is that the prime minister does not chase this segment per se, but seeks and individuals behind some of his personal struggles with them and not sectarian. Finally, Pollack and others argue that the continuation of this crisis will lead to the dimensions of the Iraqi government, which invite them to return to the fighting.
The rebels lost the recent civil war between 2005 and 2008, and their awareness that their loss is the main reason for the abandonment of the majority of them insurgents and the transition to join the Anbar Awakening and Sons of Iraq. So there are few who want to join a lost cause in fighting the government and some components of the National Alliance, once again, not only this, but revenue from big oil unite all parties of the ruling because they all want a piece of cake to Perigord and members of their parties, which provides an incentive least to stay part of the system .
Pollack shows a lot of American ideas about Iraq, but these ideas miss a lot of variations of Iraqi politics, and that these ideas lead to support governments lean ineffective because of the belief that each community should have her party to take part in government. It believes that to keep these parties at the table of the most important professional management professional. The truth is that the Iraqi National Bloc has taken a series of bad decisions and it is easily lost because of internal divisions. Also, the desire of many members of the list to stay in government despite the successive crises, refutes comments about growing a new civil war erupt in Iraq. Members of the government to have a significant interest in staying as part of it because of the benefits they receive.
Iraq will continue in the face of political crises in the near future. With the exit of U.S. troops, the Iraqi leaders are focused on defining their powers and settle their differences. But with the political system is mature and with the absence of rules governing their behavior, then that it would take years. What needs commentators in the United States is to start studying Iraq from the perspective of an Iraqi instead of imposing their views on events, since it provides a picture of what is happening in the country, said much of the periodic reports which tells the story of the approach of the government from the brink of collapse and disintegration of the country and return into civil war.
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Created on Saturday, 03 March / March 2012 10:01
Translation: the long
Kenneth Pollack of the Saban Center of the Institute of Brokink is a veteran American commentators regarding Iraq. In the beginning of February published an article entitled "The political crisis that does not end in Iraq," and despite correct some of the points mentioned, it repeats the common fallacy Western analysts. One of these fallacies is the belief that the Iraqi National Bloc is a unified entity and has one point of view addressed to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. The other is a fallacy to look at Iraqi politics through the vision of a sectarian, any party that there is a certain segment, the Iraqi National Bloc, which should have a seat in the government in order to be truly democratic government that is fair. Both points have not been subjected to scrutiny and scrutiny.
Pollack is part of the article alleged that the Iraqi National Bloc represent a united front in the current political crisis for Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, who believes that the cluster becomes a dictator. Written Pollack says that the leadership of the bloc was united in its boycott of parliament sessions and the Council of Ministers, and is supposed to be the reason for this is to look at all the cluster members to the Prime Minister that he turns to the autocratic and must be addressed. This part of the assumption Pollack is far from reality for several reasons, foremost is that the cluster has at least three different positions with respect to Maliki: Vzeim list by Iyad Allawi, and Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi want to continue the boycott of both Houses to while getting concessions from the Prime Minister, while Vice-President of the cluster Saleh al-Mutlaq does not mind ending the boycott of parliament, but he wants to maintain a boycott of Ministers of the cluster to the Council of Ministers until he could return to his job. In an interview on 13 December with CNN, al-Mutlaq said that Maliki turn into a dictator after his arrest Baathists, and repeated this remark several times in the Iraqi media. In response, al-Maliki called on to vote to withdraw confidence from the al-Mutlaq and did not allow him to return to his job as deputy prime minister since that time. Finally, the President of parliament, Osama al-Karbouli and beauty - who heads a solution within the Iraqi List - the list to return to the government and confirmed that they have no problem in working with the Prime Minister. In the fact that Najafi was not implemented and the province attended all meetings of the Parliament, as a seven-list of ministers attend the meetings of the Council of Ministers. The Najafi and then declined to release Karbouli the word dictator al-Maliki launched as other members of the list. Most conflicts between al-Maliki on the one hand, and Allawi and Mutlaq, on the other dating back to before the U.S. invasion of the country in 2003 when he was every leader has a different attitude toward Saddam's rule, which led to the loss of confidence in them and personal hatred for each other, and which was not involved with political Others. The reason for ending the boycott of the existing parliament in the end of January and the Council of Ministers of days after that, is that the list was seen to be divided if it did not end the boycott because it was internally divided and largely ineffective in implementing the strategy. Permission and contrary to the view of Pollack, the Iraqi List were not coherent, but rather made up of several different parties, each has its own agenda. These aspects of the recent confrontation has been overlooked by analysts like Pollack of the Americans, making them read the situation incorrectly and fail to understand why the success of Maliki's Iraqi List in the maneuver.
Another element in an article Pollack is the point of view of sectarian politics in Iraq. Only the view that the Iraqi List, has an important role to play in the government because they represent a certain segment and if they do not participate in the community that will arise which could lead to a new civil war. This interpretation is also wrong in several respects. First, that the Sunnis are not a homogenous group, there are several different parties represented in the government, including the National Bloc of Iraq as the Iraqi List and the National Dialogue Front, there are also other lists as well as the unity of Iraq and the Iraqi Accordance Front, which is part of the cluster center and the Iraqi white separated from the Iraqi List, the list because of its refusal to stand against the Prime Minister.
Despite the removal of Allawi al-Maliki government and the desire to get rid of al-Mutlaq and others if he can, this does not mean the absence of other political government of Iraq. And Minister of Agriculture Izz al-Din of State is of the mass of Iraqis, and Communications Minister Mohammed Allawi is the Iraqi List, and the Minister of Education Mohammed Tamim is one of the Front for National Dialogue, and the Minister of Electricity Karim Aftan and Industry Minister Ahmed Karbouli two of the movement of the solution, while Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi represents the future of the independent gathering, and the Minister of Science and Technology, Abdul Karim al-Samarrai of the Renewal Party. Most of these ministers do not have a problem with the Prime Minister, who for his part wants to work with them. All this diversity is absent from the Pollack and others who write about the bloc with the rest of the national political leaders that represent the components of society in order to maintain the ethnic balance of the sectarian Iraq. Every move by Maliki against the Iraqi bloc they consider a threat to the sectarian and slide in the government. What Pollack missed is that the prime minister does not chase this segment per se, but seeks and individuals behind some of his personal struggles with them and not sectarian. Finally, Pollack and others argue that the continuation of this crisis will lead to the dimensions of the Iraqi government, which invite them to return to the fighting.
The rebels lost the recent civil war between 2005 and 2008, and their awareness that their loss is the main reason for the abandonment of the majority of them insurgents and the transition to join the Anbar Awakening and Sons of Iraq. So there are few who want to join a lost cause in fighting the government and some components of the National Alliance, once again, not only this, but revenue from big oil unite all parties of the ruling because they all want a piece of cake to Perigord and members of their parties, which provides an incentive least to stay part of the system .
Pollack shows a lot of American ideas about Iraq, but these ideas miss a lot of variations of Iraqi politics, and that these ideas lead to support governments lean ineffective because of the belief that each community should have her party to take part in government. It believes that to keep these parties at the table of the most important professional management professional. The truth is that the Iraqi National Bloc has taken a series of bad decisions and it is easily lost because of internal divisions. Also, the desire of many members of the list to stay in government despite the successive crises, refutes comments about growing a new civil war erupt in Iraq. Members of the government to have a significant interest in staying as part of it because of the benefits they receive.
Iraq will continue in the face of political crises in the near future. With the exit of U.S. troops, the Iraqi leaders are focused on defining their powers and settle their differences. But with the political system is mature and with the absence of rules governing their behavior, then that it would take years. What needs commentators in the United States is to start studying Iraq from the perspective of an Iraqi instead of imposing their views on events, since it provides a picture of what is happening in the country, said much of the periodic reports which tells the story of the approach of the government from the brink of collapse and disintegration of the country and return into civil war.
[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
