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Carnegie Institute: Maliki is growing stronger and crushed his opponents (b politicized army)
12/02/2012 13:17
Baghdad / Washington / Orr News
Expect two researchers from the Carnegie Institute for Peace that enhanced control of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki on the army, saying that 2012 could be driven to the forefront of regional developments. According to Marina Ottaway, Maria Vantabiah, the Maliki, who has influence in the security establishment and the military in Iraq, will enable him to oust his political rivals and consolidate his leadership of the country through various means.
Within days of the end of the official celebrations, which recorded the end of the U.S. mission in Iraq, he moved Nuri al-Maliki, the prime minister to prosecute Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi on charges of terrorism, and sought to overthrow the Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq of the office, which sparked a major political crisis, revealed - just - the status of Iraq as a country is unstable and undemocratic dominated by tough competition, and that - well - a country hardly affected the institutional arrangements. Thus, violence exploded immediately and wide-ranging, and said the terrorist attacks against mainly Shi'ite targets the worst days in 2006.
However, there is more to terrorist violence in this crisis. Political agreement flour and fragile political parties and factions reached the end of 2010 collapsed, and the Government of National Unity stopped working, and the provinces that want to become the regions, with powers of self-government-like powers of Iraqi Kurdistan, began making pressed steadily on the central government. Unless agreement is reached soon, a new political, he indulges in the mud of Iraq civil war or partition to slip.
Political futility!
The crisis that has engulfed Iraq in the wake of American withdrawal, in relation to the other, a final proof of the lack of merit the administration of President Barack Obama and failing to provide agreement with Maliki, he should be allowed to remain limited American military force in the country. However, there is a lesson more simple and direct: it shows the strength of Iraq's domestic political forces in the face, even eight years of occupation, and thus the political futility of the efforts of engineering and nation-building efforts from the outside. I have tried to impose the American occupation of Iraq a set of rules of political, reflecting the dominant culture does not nor power relations between the various political forces. While cultures and power relations are not fixed, but it does not change on demand to adapt to the objectives of foreign powers.
Division is a real threat
Thus, for the second time since the overthrow of the U.S. intervention in 2003, Saddam Hussein and his regime, Iraq faces a real threat of political disintegration. In 2007, Washington has worked to maintain the cohesion of Iraq by force, but to pump more troops did not guarantee the achievement of a lasting agreement among Iraqis. Now, after the American withdrawal, the outcome depends on whether the political forces that dominate Iraq, torn apart, find in their interest to develop a real compromise or they would conclude that she might benefit more if they all went in separate directions.
Perhaps the Iraqi army left in the hands of al-Maliki, the largest obstacles. This army, which has been training the 14 teams over the past seven to counter the insurgency in the border, it has become today has a great ability to penetrate across the country. Consequently, the control of the army and the Ministry of Defense is like the "balance" in the context of Maliki's efforts to consolidate his leadership of the country and the defeat of his political rivals.
It is through the Ministry of Defence, the Prime Minister to take the reins of the army by appointing officers loyal to him as leaders of the major teams, and work through the units of the army across the country to exercise control at the national level. Although the Iraqi officers do not have any formal role in political life, they are now at the forefront of the agendas of political Kmenvven.
Army politicized
Has been devoted to the military leadership of the owners over the past many years. In the context of the process that began in 2007 and reached a peak this year, al-Maliki took the same circle of former military officers. In return for their loyalty, these officers regained the level which they lost as a result of Saddam's army Resolution Policy and the eradication of "Resurrection."
Filled the gaps that the Army did not reach the political influence of the Prime Minister. Throughout 2011, military teams have been deployed in the entire northern governorates, where the stronghold of the coalition in Iraq, "Al-Anbar, Salahuddin, Nineveh and Diyala." The more deteriorated the security situation in these provinces, the military can increase its presence and expand its control in it.
It also paralyzed the security and political leadership of the coalition in Iraq through a series of assassinations targeting senior officials. Local officials were forced to replace the police commanders in their areas, according to the instructions of the Ministry of Interior. This process culminated last October, when he was arrested on a high-ranking officers of the army in these provinces because of alleged ties to terrorist networks and Baathist.
Perhaps Maliki used the parliament to withdraw confidence from the members of the coalition in Iraq, to win over some people to join his circle. She has white cluster of Iraq already - a group that broke away last March from the main block - support for the Maliki government after the withdrawal of the "Iraqi".
Constitutionality of gaps
It also demonstrated the Constitution - well - he is weak. It turned governorates of Diyala and Salah al-Din, with consequences which, without representation and authority, to Article 119, and noted that economic and administrative independence from Baghdad. However, Baghdad did not agree to such data. Instead, Maliki imagine an amendment to the Constitution may diminish the authority of the provinces and re-drafting of the institutional framework in his favor.
Kurdish Alliance - alone - is able to confront the expansionist policies of the owners, and retain key posts in the Iraqi army and police leadership, as well as its own peshmerga forces. Kurdish parties may benefit from the status quo to increase the presence of its own security in parts of the northern provinces, which has long emphasized their subordination to it.
In this conflict, which is done by the security forces, security still depends on the agreements concluded between Maliki and the rest of his opponents. Is now being tested this balance, and raising a series of deadly bombings in Baghdad in recent days, the specter of renewed sectarian fighting.
[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
12/02/2012 13:17
Baghdad / Washington / Orr News
Expect two researchers from the Carnegie Institute for Peace that enhanced control of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki on the army, saying that 2012 could be driven to the forefront of regional developments. According to Marina Ottaway, Maria Vantabiah, the Maliki, who has influence in the security establishment and the military in Iraq, will enable him to oust his political rivals and consolidate his leadership of the country through various means.
Within days of the end of the official celebrations, which recorded the end of the U.S. mission in Iraq, he moved Nuri al-Maliki, the prime minister to prosecute Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi on charges of terrorism, and sought to overthrow the Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq of the office, which sparked a major political crisis, revealed - just - the status of Iraq as a country is unstable and undemocratic dominated by tough competition, and that - well - a country hardly affected the institutional arrangements. Thus, violence exploded immediately and wide-ranging, and said the terrorist attacks against mainly Shi'ite targets the worst days in 2006.
However, there is more to terrorist violence in this crisis. Political agreement flour and fragile political parties and factions reached the end of 2010 collapsed, and the Government of National Unity stopped working, and the provinces that want to become the regions, with powers of self-government-like powers of Iraqi Kurdistan, began making pressed steadily on the central government. Unless agreement is reached soon, a new political, he indulges in the mud of Iraq civil war or partition to slip.
Political futility!
The crisis that has engulfed Iraq in the wake of American withdrawal, in relation to the other, a final proof of the lack of merit the administration of President Barack Obama and failing to provide agreement with Maliki, he should be allowed to remain limited American military force in the country. However, there is a lesson more simple and direct: it shows the strength of Iraq's domestic political forces in the face, even eight years of occupation, and thus the political futility of the efforts of engineering and nation-building efforts from the outside. I have tried to impose the American occupation of Iraq a set of rules of political, reflecting the dominant culture does not nor power relations between the various political forces. While cultures and power relations are not fixed, but it does not change on demand to adapt to the objectives of foreign powers.
Division is a real threat
Thus, for the second time since the overthrow of the U.S. intervention in 2003, Saddam Hussein and his regime, Iraq faces a real threat of political disintegration. In 2007, Washington has worked to maintain the cohesion of Iraq by force, but to pump more troops did not guarantee the achievement of a lasting agreement among Iraqis. Now, after the American withdrawal, the outcome depends on whether the political forces that dominate Iraq, torn apart, find in their interest to develop a real compromise or they would conclude that she might benefit more if they all went in separate directions.
Perhaps the Iraqi army left in the hands of al-Maliki, the largest obstacles. This army, which has been training the 14 teams over the past seven to counter the insurgency in the border, it has become today has a great ability to penetrate across the country. Consequently, the control of the army and the Ministry of Defense is like the "balance" in the context of Maliki's efforts to consolidate his leadership of the country and the defeat of his political rivals.
It is through the Ministry of Defence, the Prime Minister to take the reins of the army by appointing officers loyal to him as leaders of the major teams, and work through the units of the army across the country to exercise control at the national level. Although the Iraqi officers do not have any formal role in political life, they are now at the forefront of the agendas of political Kmenvven.
Army politicized
Has been devoted to the military leadership of the owners over the past many years. In the context of the process that began in 2007 and reached a peak this year, al-Maliki took the same circle of former military officers. In return for their loyalty, these officers regained the level which they lost as a result of Saddam's army Resolution Policy and the eradication of "Resurrection."
Filled the gaps that the Army did not reach the political influence of the Prime Minister. Throughout 2011, military teams have been deployed in the entire northern governorates, where the stronghold of the coalition in Iraq, "Al-Anbar, Salahuddin, Nineveh and Diyala." The more deteriorated the security situation in these provinces, the military can increase its presence and expand its control in it.
It also paralyzed the security and political leadership of the coalition in Iraq through a series of assassinations targeting senior officials. Local officials were forced to replace the police commanders in their areas, according to the instructions of the Ministry of Interior. This process culminated last October, when he was arrested on a high-ranking officers of the army in these provinces because of alleged ties to terrorist networks and Baathist.
Perhaps Maliki used the parliament to withdraw confidence from the members of the coalition in Iraq, to win over some people to join his circle. She has white cluster of Iraq already - a group that broke away last March from the main block - support for the Maliki government after the withdrawal of the "Iraqi".
Constitutionality of gaps
It also demonstrated the Constitution - well - he is weak. It turned governorates of Diyala and Salah al-Din, with consequences which, without representation and authority, to Article 119, and noted that economic and administrative independence from Baghdad. However, Baghdad did not agree to such data. Instead, Maliki imagine an amendment to the Constitution may diminish the authority of the provinces and re-drafting of the institutional framework in his favor.
Kurdish Alliance - alone - is able to confront the expansionist policies of the owners, and retain key posts in the Iraqi army and police leadership, as well as its own peshmerga forces. Kurdish parties may benefit from the status quo to increase the presence of its own security in parts of the northern provinces, which has long emphasized their subordination to it.
In this conflict, which is done by the security forces, security still depends on the agreements concluded between Maliki and the rest of his opponents. Is now being tested this balance, and raising a series of deadly bombings in Baghdad in recent days, the specter of renewed sectarian fighting.
[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
